Stephen Allen represented OXFAM-Canada on the COCAMO Election Observer Mission to Nampula province. This mission was financed by the Canadian International Development Agency (CIDA). He spent three weeks in Nampula province.

Many images stand out in my mind a month after the elections in Mozambique. One of the strongest was on returning to Nampula City one evening following a visit to the district of Murrupula. The sky was ablaze; as we drew nearer, we realized that the fields were burning. It was a scene that we witnessed on many other occasions. There may well have been an election campaign in full swing, but farmers were preoccupied with slashing and burning their land which they would shortly begin planting. Two short years ago, this area outside of Nampula City would likely have been inaccessible to farmers because of the war. Now, people were able to return home and reclaim the land they had had to flee.

Nampula province will carry political clout in the new political configuration emerging in post-war Mozambique. It is a rich agricultural province, ranking with Zambezia in its potential to feed a country that war and drought has made dependent on international food aid. Its large population gives it even more influence. Nampula province will send fifty-three representatives to the National Assembly.

The dynamics of the conflict that ravaged the country for over a decade were as complicated in Nampula as anywhere in the country. The French anthropologist, Christian Geffray, drew attention to these dynamics and generated a measure of debate in his book La Cause des armes: La Guerre en Mozambique. In a nutshell, Geffray argued that a social base for Renamo developed because Frelimo's rural policies alienated rural communities. The creation of communal villages and the disenfranchisement of traditional leaders were two policies in particular that fed growing disenchantment. Renamo, for its part, exploited Frelimo mistakes. By the time the Peace Accord was signed in October 1992, Renamo had firmly established a presence in many rural areas of the province.

Registration

As we talked to people and asked questions, we were told that the groundwork for the election began with a registration campaign that signed up an estimated 80% of eligible voters across the country. The last census was done in 1980 and, given the upheaval since then, no one was able to make accurate estimates of the population in 1994. Thousands of people were excluded from the registration process because they were living outside the country and no doubt thousands more were missed because of the large numbers of displaced people who are slowly returning home. Still, this is the closest the country has come to a census carried out under very difficult circumstances.

Able to see the election process at the local district level, I was impressed by the work of the all-party electoral commissions. Our own observations suggested that these structures worked effectively, an impression that was confirmed by UNUMOZ observers who had been working in the districts since early May. Problem-solving on a consensual basis is no easy task and this experience may serve as a model in peacefully resolving political conflicts in the future.

The Campaign

Perhaps it was no coincidence that Frelimo kicked off its election campaign in Nampula province with rallies in Angoche, Ilha da Moçambique, Murrupula and Nampula City.

This was an election carried out in a post-war context. In some ways the campaign may well have begun several years ago. I recall a report in Tempo magazine (published weekly in Maputo) in 1991, on President Chissano's visit to Nampula. That week's cover carried a photograph of Chissano in traditional Islamic clothing. If memory serves me right, during this visit President Chissano frankly admitted mistakes Frelimo had made in its rural programme. This attempt to identify one's Party with specific ethnic communities, and to express some regret for past mistakes, was echoed throughout the election.

We heard little serious debate during the campaign. While some of the candidates made rather inflammatory remarks, all of the parties generally promised a better future. The statement by Afonso Dlakhama, Renamo's president, in the northern province of Niassa that he would expel all Shangan speakers (native to southern Mozambique) to KwaZulu/Natal was typical of the regional card that we saw Renamo too often resort to.

Of the dozen or so political parties taking part, only Frelimo and Renamo were visible in Nampula and it was a campaign that ebbed and flowed, picking up some steam on October 24, the final day of the campaign. The first rally we witnessed was organized by Renamo and it took place near the airport. Three to four thousand people congregated around several cultural activities. Like the rest of the rallies we observed that day, there were no speeches.

Later on, we followed a Frelimo rally as it wound its way through Nampula City. This one was much louder with 10,000 people making their way to the party offices.

T-shirts or capulanas (cloth all-purpose wraps worn by women) adorned with party emblems or the faces of party leaders were a common sight, although we quickly came to realize that because someone was wearing a particular party's T-shirt, it did not necessarily mean they supported that party. During the Frelimo rally, we saw several people wearing Renamo T-shirts or capulanas heckled and intimidated by Frelimo partisans. On each occasion, those that were being heckled were led away either by the police or other Frelimo supporters. Frelimo supporters we talked with did not approve of intimidation. There were a few rock-throwing incidents but generally there was very little violence.

Women's Voices

Radio Mozambique reported that a women's march for peace had taken place in Maputo on the same day. It was organized by Graça Machel, a senior Frelimo member and widow of the country's first President. This non-partisan march was perhaps the only occasion during the entire campaign when the concerns of women were front and centre. Perhaps the march served as a sign that civil society is slowly emerging from the ashes of the conflict.

Voter education

I saw impressive efforts being made in the civic education programme, involving the formal structures of the electoral commissions and Mozambican non-governmental organizations. This programme was aimed at teaching voters not only the mechanics of voting, but also the role it played in the democratic process.

I spent several days in a town some three hours west of Nampula City, called Ribaue, which has not had electrical power in years. One evening, the technical staff of the Provincial Electoral Commission organized a programme in which a video was shown. A small generator in their truck powered a VCR and a large screen carried the image. Under a full moon and bright stars, over 3,000 people gathered at the soccer stadium to watch what turned out to be an entertaining and educational video which dealt with national reconciliation, the multi-party system and the actual voting process. An electoral official, microphone in hand, translated much of the dialogue into Macua which is widely spoken in the province.

The novelty of a video show drew many people that evening but those I spoke with said that they had come to learn as well. If there was a weakness in the event, it was the lack of any discussion after the video ended.

The civic education I saw carried out by Mozambican non-governmental organizations was less formal, but just as impressive. The Association of Rural Women invited us to a session they were doing in Bairro Natikiri on the outskirts of Nampula City for members of the Union of General Coops (Paulo Samuel Kancoba Coop). This was a low-tech affair; the props were limited to a bench borrowed from a co-op member's house. There were fewer women than I expected, but nonetheless the community theatre approach was appreciated by all who were there. Apart from focusing on the voting procedures, there was an added ingredient missing from the more formal programmes I saw. The play was effective in addressing women's issues, sadly absent in the policies of the political parties. Still, it is important to note that some of the literature of the National Electoral Commission was geared specifically to women.

Towards the end of the election campaign, the Provincial Electoral Commission in Nampula organized a series of events one Sunday morning. The one event that stands out was a play about the signing of the Peace Accord in Rome - reinforcing a recurrent theme of national reconciliation.

We saw the end result of all this work on voting day, and from our observations, it was clear that many voters had been missed in the civic education programme which could have used more time for the work that had to be done. Members of our Observer Mission frequently met civic education officials who travelled to remote villages by bicycle or on foot. Salaries weren't always paid on time and some of the educators, known as brigadistas, may have gone without food on occasion. Any shortcomings or mistakes need to be understood in the context of what is, after all, Mozambique's first effort. This effort is something of a victory and, as our report so eloquently puts it, a cause for celebration.

Frelimo/Renamo tensions

I could never quite get a full picture of Renamo-controlled zones in the province and the impact this had on the campaign. An area along the Lurio River in the northeastern corner of the province was apparently controlled by Renamo and inaccessible to other parties. But one of my colleagues asked a Frelimo member what it would take for Frelimo to campaign in this area and he was told that Frelimo would need permission from the government. Apparently, the government wanted to avoid any provocative acts. Presumably there would need to be negotiations between the government and Renamo before this issue could be resolved.

An area in the District of Murrupula was Renamo-controlled and inaccessible to other parties until late August. A UNUMOZ observer facilitated a meeting of five political parties and the problem was solved. While such problem-solving is certainly welcomed, it is ironic that such parallel administrative structures violated the Peace Accord and the country's Constitution.

Voting

One of the many logistical challenges facing the Electoral Commission was the distribution of election materials to all of the voting sites on time. There were ninety-two tons of materials distributed in Nampula province and many electoral officials worked all night long. There was a great deal of assistance from UNUMOZ and with few exceptions, voting was ready to start on October 27.

Voting day began on a rather ominous note with the surprise news from Dlakhama that Renamo was withdrawing from the election. That morning I was in Rapale, the capital of Nampula District and, as far as I could see, the announcement had no impact on the voting. None of the Renamo party scrutineers left the voting stations, although apparently that wasn't the case in Nampula City.

Each voting station was limited to 1,000 voters and people had begun arriving at 4:00 a.m. Generally women and the elderly had the greatest difficulty in voting; marking their `X' or fingerprint, as well as folding the two ballots, proved a challenge. With very few exceptions, electoral officials treated voters with respect and were very patient. Instructions were typically given in Macua. In voting stations like Rapale, a third day was needed, given that the polls opened at 7:00 a.m. and closed at 6:00 p.m., by which time the polling stations were shrouded in darkness. We estimated that it took almost three minutes for most people to cast their ballot and deposit it in the ballot box.

The situation in the urban areas was quite different. We briefly observed voting at Bairro Liberdade in Nampula City. Here, the pace was quite brisk and the voting was done by noon on October 28.

The voting stations we visited in the urban areas had greater representation of women at the voting tables. In the rural areas, we estimated that less than 5% of the officials were women.

Results

Following the election, it felt as if the country was holding its breath waiting for the results and their aftermath. Many Mozambican colleagues we talked with were worried that there would be increased tensions after the elections. Those that could had begun stocking food supplies.

But it appears that those worries were groundless. Unofficial results as of November 21 gave President Chissano 53.3% of the vote to Mr. Dlakhama's 33.7%. Frelimo will send 129 representatives to the National Assembly to Renamo's 112. Renamo gained the most seats in Manica, Sofala, Zambezia and Nampula provinces which should help to spread its political influence beyond southern Mozambique.

A new balance of power has emerged and it isn't entirely clear how this will be played out through the appointment of Provincial Governors and the like. Even though there is peace, Mozambique still must cope with large numbers of unemployed former soldiers, most of whom are still armed. One suspects that the power brokering will continue.

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